Education

The Hidden Costs of News Deserts: How Local Newspaper Closures Impact Communities

When a local newspaper disappears, the loss is often measured in fewer reporters, fewer stories and fewer opportunities for residents to follow City Hall. But a growing body of academic research suggests the consequences can reach much further—into municipal borrowing costs, government spending, taxes, political participation, corporate misconduct and the overall health of a community.

The problem is commonly described as a news desert: a community with little or no reliable, original local journalism capable of regularly covering government, schools, public safety, development, elections and other issues affecting residents. The financial consequences may be among the least visible.

A 2020 peer-reviewed study published in the Journal of Financial Economics examined newspaper closures and local government finances in the United States. Researchers Pengjie Gao of the University of Notre Dame, Chang Lee and Dermot Murphy analyzed newspaper closures and municipal bond markets from 1996 through 2015.

Their conclusion was striking: after a local newspaper closed, municipal borrowing costs increased by roughly 5 to 11 basis points for the average municipal bond issue in their study, translating into about $650,000 in additional borrowing costs. The researchers found the effect was causal and not simply the result of a deteriorating local economy.

That matters because cities and counties routinely borrow money for infrastructure, including roads, water systems, public buildings and other capital projects. When borrowing becomes more expensive, taxpayers ultimately have to absorb the additional cost through some combination of higher revenues, reduced spending elsewhere or greater government debt. The researchers also examined what happened to local governments after newspapers closed.

They found that a newspaper closure was associated with a 1.3-percentage-point increase in the ratio of county government wages to total county wages. For the median county in their sample, that represented approximately $1.4 million in additional government wages.

The number of government employees increased by about four employees per 1,000 residents, while tax revenue increased by approximately $85 per person. County deficits also increased by about $53 per person. The researchers interpreted these findings as evidence of increased government inefficiency after newspaper closures.

The findings do not mean that every newspaper closure causes a tax increase or that every government without a newspaper becomes inefficient. They do, however, provide evidence of a statistically significant relationship between the disappearance of local newspaper oversight and increased government costs.

In other words, the price of a news desert can show up on the public balance sheet. Municipal bond investors are not simply buying infrastructure. They are evaluating the government’s financial condition and the risks surrounding its decisions. Local journalists provide another layer of scrutiny.

When reporters regularly attend council meetings, examine budgets, investigate contracts and question officials, information about government becomes more widely available. When that reporting disappears, investors may have less independent information with which to evaluate a municipality.

Gao, Lee and Murphy found that the effect was particularly strong for revenue bonds, which are backed by revenues generated by specific projects. Following newspaper closures, yields on those bonds increased even more sharply.

The Brookings Institution, which published an analysis of the research, reported that the researchers also found newspaper closures were associated with deterioration in measures of government efficiency, including government wage rates, government employment and tax dollars per capita.

The implication is straightforward: independent local reporting can function as a form of financial oversight. The consequences of disappearing local journalism extend beyond government finances.

A 2022 study in the Journal of Financial Economics examined what happened to local facilities of publicly traded companies after newspapers closed. Researchers found that newspaper closures were followed by a 1.1% increase in violations and a 15.2% increase in penalties at affected facilities.

The researchers concluded that local newspapers play an important monitoring role because their closure reduced scrutiny of corporate behavior. That finding is significant for communities with factories, industrial facilities, developers and other major employers. Local news organizations may be the journalists most likely to notice environmental, labor, regulatory or public-safety problems occurring in their own backyard.

The loss of local journalism also affects how residents participate in government. A study published in the Journal of Communication examined communities that lost newspapers and found that newspaper closures were associated with a 1.9% decrease in split-ticket voting. The researchers argued that as local newspapers disappear, voters may rely more heavily on national news and partisan cues rather than locally reported information.

Another peer-reviewed study, published in Urban Affairs Review, examined California municipalities and 11 local newspapers. Researchers Meghan Rubado and Jay Jennings found that cities experiencing sharper declines in newsroom staffing had, on average, less political competition in mayoral elections. Their research suggests that the loss ofprofessional local-government reporting can reduce the information available to voters about local policies and elections.

More recent research is finding additional community effects. A 2026 study in the Journal of Regional Science examined U.S. counties from 1990 through 2016 using a difference-in-differences methodology. Researchers found that becoming a local news desert was associated with modest increases in property and victimless crime, declines in presidential voter turnout and greater political polarization. The researchers found no detectable increase in violent crime.

That distinction is important. The study does not establish that losing a newspaper causes violent crime to rise. Rather, it identifies specific changes in crime, civic participation and political polarization associated with the emergence of local news deserts. The connection between news deserts and reduced public services is more complicated.

Strong evidence shows that news deserts can increase borrowing costs and government inefficiency. But researchers have not established a universal rule that a newspaper closure directly causes a particular library, fire station, park or public program to close.

The more defensible conclusion is that communities can face greater fiscal pressure when independent local oversight disappears. Higher borrowing costs mean more money may be devoted to interest rather than infrastructure or services. Higher government expenditures and deficits can create additional pressure on budgets. And when governments have fewer resources available, officials eventually must choose among raising revenue, borrowing more, cutting programs or postponing investments.

A 2026 analysis by Rebuild Local News, building on the Gao, Lee and Murphy research, estimated that the nationwide local-news shortage could impose an estimated $1.1 billion annually in additional borrowing costs on local governments and taxpayers. (That figure extrapolates from earlier academic research, not a peer-reviewed national cost study, and should be treated as an estimate rather than an established annual bill.)

One argument is that newspapers are no longer necessary because residents can obtain local information through Facebook, neighborhood groups and other social-media platforms. Research suggests that those platforms can helpbut they do not necessarily replace professional local journalism.

A Duke University study of 100 U.S. communities examined more than 16,000 news stories and found that only about 17% were genuinely local, while fewer than 12% were simultaneously local, original and focused on critical information needs such as education, health, transportation, planning, public safety and civic affairs.

A Facebook post can tell residents that a road is closed. A local journalist can ask why the road project is late, how much it costs, which contractor received the contract, whether the city followed its purchasing rules and what officials knew about the problem. The evidence increasingly points to local journalism as more than a consumer product. It is part of a community’s information infrastructure.

When local reporting disappears, residents can lose an independent source of information about taxes, contracts, development, schools, elections, public safety and government performance. Investors may face greater uncertainty. Governments may pay more to borrow. Political competition can decline. Corporate misconduct can become less visible. Civic participation can weaken. None of this means newspapers are perfect or that every local journalist provides adequate oversight. It means that independent scrutiny has measurable value.

The central question for communities facing a news desert may therefore be larger than whether residents still have somewhere to read the news. It is whether a community can afford to lose the people whose job is to ask questions before the bill comes due. And the growing body of research suggests that, financially as well as democratically, the answer may be no.

SOURCES:

Gao, Pengjie & Lee, Chang & Murphy, Dermot, 2020.Financing dies in darkness? The impact of newspaper closures on public finance,” Journal of Financial Economics, Elsevier, vol. 135(2), pages 445-467.

https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Murphy-et-al..pdf

Rebuild Local News

A Duke University study of 100 U.S. communities examined more than 16,000 news stories and found that only about 17% were genuinely local.


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